Finito

Finito

"pakrovėm" (mala nepokazalosij)
Išeinu atostogų iki rugsėjo 20 d.
uxozhu,...uxozhu, ...uchozhu

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

NEW YORK, NEW YORK...the cafe bar in MANHATAN- the soud of the music the time od the sixties. The drum, trupit, piano - smoke is every there. On the end of the song the sound of the trupit goes up, the piano is making crazy pasazhies and the drum on the end makes a traditional three time sounds , one, another and and the end when it's the noise so that you can't hear you person voice its the final big soud ending all the performance. Soud of the voises shouting bravo!!! You switch of your eyarphones, stop smoking a pipe

Why this topic? (PERESTROYKA)

Why this topic? (PERESTROYKA)

Loreta Geneviciute

History 101

Dr. Mierzwa

Term Paper Topic: Gorbachev in the Face of the Collapse of the Evil Empire

Why this topic: I was born in 1987 in Vilnius, Lithuania. This makes me a child of “glasnost and perestroika,” the two major policies of Gorbachev that changed the course of History and greatly contributed to the liberation of Lithuania and to the collapse of the USSR.

In the course of the events that took place in the 1980’s and early 1990’s Ronald Regan emerged as a strong political and historical figure, who is credited to have brought about the end of the Cold War. Gorbachev, however, who also undeniably played a critical role in these historically monumental events, did not establish himself as a political hero, in fact among the many citizens of his homeland-Russia- Gorbachev has acquired quite an undesirable reputation.

The goal of my term paper is to explore Gorbachev at the dawn of the Soviet Union and to delineate on how his policies at the time have shaped Russian views on this political figure. 

For the futher detais please contact:

http://www.tiktau.com

kestutis@tiktau.com

 

PERESTROYKA (the end of the topic)

PERESTROYKA (the end of the topic)

bloc, which earned Gorbachev a Nobel Peace Prize in 1990, his crack down in 1991 on Lithuania’s request for independence was a “black eye” that ended the hopeful Gorbachev era and permanently blemished his image as “a modern white knight- the Communist who slayed communism.”[1]

“Lithuania was an appropriate setting for the collapse of Gorbachev’s humane approach. It had long been the most outspokenly hostile of all republics to Moscow’s rule.” In 1990 when the newly elected republican legislature in Lithuania unanimously voted to restore independence, the Soviet Union saw Gorbachev in quite a different light, which, like a flashback, took the people on a trip to the past – to the pre-Gorbachev era.

Facing the prospect of the dissolution of the USSR, Gorbachev was desperately trying to preserve the Party’s role in the union and hence reverted to well known tricks in “The Bolshevik handbook.” Within a matter of few days under Gorbachev’s command, Vilnius airport was shut down, trains leaving and entering the city were halted and the main newspaper press building was taken over. Phony riots were staged to serve as a pretext for Moscow’s intervention and finally thousands of paratroopers were dispatched “to bring Lithuanians to heel, violently if necessary.”[2] The means to regain control were reminiscent of those employed in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and in Prague Spring of 1968. The events that followed in Vilnius on January 13^th went down in the history of USSR as the Bloody Sunday of 1991. Less than a year later, a Boris Yeltsin- led group of former Communist officials dissolved the USSR ending Gorbachev’s “six-year struggle to carry out a full- scale Soviet reformation.”[3]

Following the events of 1991, Gorbachev had clearly failed the test of his moral position in the eyes of the Soviet population. By adhering to old Soviet courses of actions, he shattered the integrity of policies that, just a few years earlier, he so wholeheartedly endorsed. Ironically, it was the revolution that Gorbachev began that led his own people to revolt against a system that he relentlessly was aiming to preserve. In the eyes of the citizens of the former Soviet states, Gorbachev will always symbolize the political figure who not only exposed the weaknesses and fragility of Communism previously so immaculately hidden under the cloak of propaganda, but also the political persona, who was a driving force behind initiating the dismantlement of the system of terror that took decades to construct. Nevertheless, it will not be easily forgotten that Gorbachev, a man who began the process of reinventing his country, at the most critical moment failed to reinvent himself.

---

[1] Ibid.

[2] Ibid.404

[3] Xxv new book

PERESTROYKA (continuation)

PERESTROYKA (continuation)

disintegration of the Soviet Empire was merely an inevitable effect of Gorbachev’s policies aimed to strengthen and revive the collapsing Soviet economy.

As an antidote to the stagnant and stale economic and social structures Gorbachev initiated policies of glasnost, perestroika, democratizatsiya, and uskoreniye; terms that refer to openness, restructuring, democratization and acceleration of economic development, respectively. These reforms came about because Gorbachev and “thousands of intelligent people”[1] of his generation recognized the need for the Soviet system to loosen up and to rehabilitate the dormant population by allowing “more freedom [which candidly] had to connect work to rewards and prices to values.”[2]

Policies introduced as a part of perestroika infused the elements of democracy into the socialist regime. New laws were passed to give enterprises more freedom in the private sector. The Law on Cooperatives enacted in 1988 extended these liberties to include private ownership in manufacturing, service, and trade sectors. In addition, perestroika resumed efforts on De-Stalinization by rehabilitating many of Stalin’s opponents and releasing countless political prisoners. Hand in hand with perestroika went the policy of glasnost or “openness,” which for the first time since the reign of Stalinism gave Soviet people the freedom of speech. These attempts to spark new life into the Soviet population and therefore to revive the driving force behind USSR’s economy allowed Gorbachev to shine in the eyes of the many Soviet citizens.

In addition to these domestic policies, Gorbachev was keen to pursue a new approach towards Soviet foreign policy. Recognizing that the acceleration of the arms race, especially with Reagan’s Strategic Arms Initiative introduced in 1983, was a commitment that in a long run USSR’s economy could not sustain, Gorbachev pursued initiatives aimed towards disarmament. Intermediate-range nuclear weapons reduction initiative discussed with Reagan in Reykjavik in 1986, which culminated in signing Intermediate- Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty in 1987, is just one of the examples of Gorbachev’s efforts to relieve the Soviet economy of this stifling strain, which resulted in the thawed relations between East and West.

Perhaps the most significant policy, which in due course resulted in the crumbling of both the Soviet bloc and the USSR, was the abandonment of the Brezhnev Doctrine in 1988. By forsaking the Brezhnev Doctrine, Gorbachev effectively opened the gates for Eastern bloc nations to take matters pertaining to their internal affairs into their own hands. Consequently, in 1989 the world watched in awe as a string of revolutions across the Soviet bloc resulted in the liberation of many nations and at fall of the Berlin Wall, which became a landmark symbolizing the end of the Cold War. The Scorpions hit “Wind of Change” seamlessly captured the prevailing mood within the global community. This wind of change did in deed blow “straight into the face of time” and rang the bell of freedom in the Soviet republics, awakening formerly suppressed sense of nationalism and reinforcing the desire for independence.

It was in the face of the uprisings that threatened the existence of the Soviet Union itself, when the people of the Soviet republics came to think that Gorbachev was “something less than noble, something more recognizably Soviet and Communist and political.”[3]  That is to say that in the light of the reforms that took place in the Eastern blo

---

[1] 403

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid. 405

A piece of art how to hold a pipe

A piece of art how to hold a pipe

Boss

What does word Boss mean?
An answer: Boss is a Boss!!!

PERESTROYKA

PERESTROYKA

Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev, penultimate General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the last leader of the USSR is perhaps one of the most controversial political figures of the 20^th century. In the eyes of the Westerners, the legacy that Gorbachev has left behind is straightforward and assured, forever tied to the collapse of the Evil Empire and most significantly to the end of the Cold War. Yet the merits of Gorbachev’s leadership have left his persona subject to controversy in the eyes of his fellow Russians as well as the citizens of the former Soviet states. It is in the light of Gorbachev’s policies, their successes and failures, that we find the origin of the bitter sweet assessment of his bequest.

The goal of this term paper, therefore, is to explore Gorbachev at the dawn of the Soviet Union and to delineate how his personality and his policies at the time have shaped Russian and post-Soviet peoples’ views on his political figure.

Gorbachev’s entry to the USSR’s political arena marked an age of change and reform. Unlike the many previous leaders of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Gorbachev was young; hence he shared ideals very distinct from those adopted by the former party members. It should come to no surprise that the age gap between Gorbachev and the rest of the CPSU members allowed for a fresh perspective on the Communist regime. That is to say that Gorbachev belonged to a generation of “so called children of the 20^th Congress,”[1] an idiom indicating his awareness of Stalin’s atrocities. In fact, Gorbachev was well aware of the tragic downfalls of Stalinist era for his grandfather was a victim of Stalin’s launched arrests, and his father served in the Soviet army during the World War II. As delineated by Robert Kaiser in Why Gorbachev Happened: His Triumphs and His Failures, these and many other experiences, including his exposure to the Western world, bear great significance on Gorbachev’s political career. Kaiser, however, is also quick to indicate that, although Gorbachev led the revolution, “he also tried to preserve the prerevolutionary political arrangement- a Party-run sate- that the revolution would ultimately destroy.”[2] This so termed Gorbachev paradox bears responsibility for his ultimate successes as well as failures. In due course Gorbachev’s internal conflict between his responsibilities as a party man and his obligations as a reformer is the key factor which affected people’s outlook on his persona.

When Mikhail Gorbachev came into power in 1985, the Stalinist model of the Soviet economy “had long outlived its utility and was nearing collapse after doing an immeasurable amount of damage to the country.”[3] Gorbachev was well aware that the Stalinist mode of a vast industrial economy, subject to planning and control by the very few Party officials in Moscow, could not survive much longer as it was “falling farther and farther behind the developed world.”[4] He quickly realized that “either there would be change, or there would be a disaster.”[5]  In his attempts to salvage the country from economic ruins through the initiation of various reforms, Gorbachev effectively initiated the beginning of the end of the Soviet Empire. That is to say that Gorbachev never purposely intended to end the realm of Communist power in the USSR and that the disintegration of the Soviet Empire was merely an inevitable effect of Gorbachev’s policies aimed to strengthen and revive the collapsing Soviet economy.

As an antidote to the stagnant and stale economic and social structures Gorbachev initiated policies of glasnost, perestroika, democratizatsiya, and uskoreniye; terms that refer to openness, restructuring, democratization and acceleration of economic development, respectively. These reforms came about because Gorbachev and “thousands of intelligent people”[6] of his generation recognized the need for the Soviet system to loosen up and to rehabilitate the dormant population by allowing “more freedom [which candidly] had to connect work to rewards and prices to values.”[7]

Policies introduced as a part of perestroika infused the elements of democracy into the socialist regime. New laws were passed to give enterprises more freedom in the private sector. The Law on Cooperatives enacted in 1988 extended these liberties to include private ownership in manufacturing, service, and trade sectors. In addition, perestroika resumed efforts on De-Stalinization by rehabilitating many of Stalin’s opponents and releasing countless political prisoners. Hand in hand with perestroika went the policy of glasnost or “openness,” which for the first time since the reign of Stalinism gave Soviet people the freedom of speech. These attempts to spark new life into the Soviet population and therefore to revive the driving force behind USSR’s economy allowed Gorbachev to shine in the eyes of the many Soviet citizens.

In addition to these domestic policies, Gorbachev was keen to pursue a new approach towards Soviet foreign policy. Recognizing that the acceleration of the arms race, especially with Reagan’s Strategic Arms Initiative introduced in 1983, was a commitment that in a long run USSR’s economy could not sustain, Gorbachev pursued initiatives aimed towards disarmament. Intermediate-range nuclear weapons reduction initiative discussed with Reagan in Reykjavik in 1986, which culminated in signing Intermediate- Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty in 1987, is just one of the examples of Gorbachev’s efforts to relieve the Soviet economy of this stifling strain, which resulted in the thawed relations between East and West.

Perhaps the most significant policy, which in due course resulted in the crumbling of both the Soviet bloc and the USSR, was the abandonment of the Brezhnev Doctrine in 1988. By forsaking the Brezhnev Doctrine, Gorbachev effectively opened the gates for Eastern bloc nations to take matters pertaining to their internal affairs into their own hands. Consequently, in 1989 the world watched in awe as a string of revolutions across the Soviet bloc resulted in the liberation of many nations and at fall of the Berlin Wall, which became a landmark symbolizing the end of the Cold War. The Scorpions hit “Wind of Change” seamlessly captured the prevailing mood within the global community. This wind of change did in deed blow “straight into the face of time” and rang the bell of freedom in the Soviet republics, awakening formerly suppressed sense of nationalism and reinforcing the desire for independence.

It was in the face of the uprisings that threatened the existence of the Soviet Union itself, when the people of the Soviet republics came to think that Gorbachev was “something less than noble, something more recognizably Soviet and Communist and political.”[8]  That is to say that in the light of the reforms that took place in the Eastern bloc, which earned Gorbachev a Nobel Peace Prize in 1990, his crack down in 1991 on

---

[1]407

[2] 18

[3] 402

[4] 403

[5] 403

[6] 403

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid. 405

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Tiltas nakty (...ant to tilto varna tupi...)

Franklin Delano Roosevelt Mid-Hudson tiltas nakties metu

The Mid-Hudson Bridge (officially the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Mid-Hudson Bridge) is a toll suspension bridge which carries US 44 and NY 55 across the Hudson River between Poughkeepsie and Highland in the state of New York. Governor and local resident Franklin D. Roosevelt and his wife Eleanor attended the opening ceremony on August 25, 1930. The bridge was renamed the "Franklin D. Roosevelt Mid-Hudson Bridge" in 1994 though the span is rarely referred to by its official name.
The bridge is 3,000 feet (910 m) long with a clearance of 135 feet (41 m) above the Hudson. At opening, it was the sixth-longest suspension bridge in the world. The chief engineer was Polish immigrant Ralph Modjeski, who had previously engineered the strengthening of the nearby Poughkeepsie Railroad bridge. Primary contractor was the American Bridge Company of Ambridge, Pennsylvania with steel from Carnegie. The span is unique in that stiffening trusses were intentionally constructed on top of, not below, the deck.

 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Main_Page

Dora, sąžinė, laisvė

Dora, sąžinė, laisvė padarė šią tautą klestinčia tauta.

Эссе (перевод с литовского)

Эссе (перевод с литовского)

Посвещаеться Витаутасу (Vytautui)

Витаутас,

когда то ты мне сказал ... "... если сможешь напиши". Бог дал мне шанс - и  я пишу. Насколько нас тогда было ? Тысяча и одн? Те, кто любил свою родину.   А теперь ...сколько таких?

Мы пошли, потому что все шли... но мы были одни из первых.

Многое из того прошлого  мы помним ... но то ветер, то сквозняки, поиск хлеба нашего насущного, и нет времени чтобы поговорить. Но когда мы оказывается рядом тепло нашей встречи на долго согревают - минуты становяться  годами.

Ты не нарушл клятвы, и  ... я тоже. Я как и ты тоже посылаю сидящих в Парламенте справа, слева и также в центре - как говорят русские на три буквы.

Их выплюнут через зубы каждово десятого а те, кто неуспеют сбежать будут продолжать “любить” Родину - получать рспределять ...и молиться своим богам

Й мы Витаутас с тобой, если даст Бог, еще будем живы поедем далеко,  далеко ...(“кто был незабудет, кто не был тот будет”)* потому что те кто хотят реванша наши списки имеют а те которые теперь на верху наших списков неимеют . А все таки важны не они а те которые шли в переди ...

Только жаль что там далеко, там, где му будем разговоры будут взыскаться как дисциплинарные нарушение. Тем немение мои глаза будут  говорить с тобой .

Недай Бог, наступет пора ...  я вынесу канистру бензина из балкона (помниш как тогда).  Но теперь, когда нет детей рядом будет меньше стреса.

Все.

Будь здоров,

Твой Кястутис

*Так говорят бывшие ссылники возвратившиеся в Литву домой из Сибири

Vivat инновации!

Vivat инновации!

Соединенным Штатам удалось высадиться на Марсе легкового автомобиля BMW-устройство размером. Это будет выглядеть на всю жизнь. Между тем, мы, как независимое государство с собственными ресурсами, не найти способ, чтобы оградить дома. Существует не один офис архитектора, нет никакой координации. Я говорю, возможно, "обнять" дома с теплоизоляцией. Все здания в Вильнюсе, Литва из того же промышленного модуля поэтому его будет легко дизайн объятия конструкцию, которая позволит "охватить" все структуры нескольких плоских стен жилого дома. Это может быть сделано гибкие пространства с отверстиями сборные (окна, и т.д.). После стольких возможностей для творческих инженеров и архитекторов - как нового поколения и старше. На мой взгляд, материал может быть легко скручивается, транспортировке, снижен с крыши. Промышленный метод может адаптироваться - и мы создали сами, и построим сами, и вы используете энергосберегающие результаты.
А теперь я  шесть сотен снимков  с цифровой камеро  и и щетю  дефекты. И то, что мы хуже, чем инженер в США? Она должна быть более сильной, более мощные устройства обнаружения ... можно заказать из США, сотрудничество в мире, потому что это необходимость и преимущества универсальной. Viva инновации!

Daily challenges

Daily challenges

The United States was able to land on Mars BMW passenger car-sized device. It will look for life. Meanwhile, we are being an independent state with its own resources do not find ways to insulate homes. There is no single architect office, there is no coordination. I say perhaps "embrace" the house with the heat insulation. All the buildings in Vilnius, Lithuania are made of the same industrial module so it's to be easy design a embrace construction which will allow to “embrace” all structure of the multi flat living house walls. It may be done flexible spaces with prefabricated openings (windows, etc.). After so many opportunities for creative civil engineers and architects - both new generation and older. In my opinion, the material can be easily twisted, transported, lowered from the roof. Industrial method can adapt - and we produced ourselves, and construct ourselves, and you use energy-saving results.
And now I want to make their one hundred and six hundred pictures with digital camera looking for defects. And what we're worse than the U.S. engineer? It should be a stronger, more powerful detection device ... can be ordered from the U.S., co-operation in the world because it is a necessity and benefits of universal. Viva innovation!!

Moments of my life in the USA

Moments of my life in the USA









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Dienos iššūkiai

Dienos iššūkiai

Jungtinės Valstijos sugebėjo Marse nutupdyti lengvojo BMW automobilio dydžio įtaisą. Jis ieškos gyvybės. Tuo tarpu mes būdami nepriklausoma valstybė su savais resursais nerandame būdų kaip apšiltinti namų. Nėra atskiro projektavimo biuro, nėra koordinacijos. Sakau gal "apglėbti" tuos namus termoizoliacine medžiaga. Lanksčia su perforuotomos vietomis angoms (langams ir t.t.), o galinėm sienom perforavimo nerekėtų. Juk tiek galimybių kūrybai inžinieriamas - tiek naujos kartos, tiek senesnės. Mano galva, medžiaga būtų lengvai susukama, transportuojama, nuleidžiama pradedant nuo stogo. Gali pritaikyti industrinius metodus - ir gamintume patys, ir montuotume patys, ir naudotumės energijos taupymo rezultatais.
O dabar noriu pateikti savo vieną šimtą iš šešių šimtų nuotraukų kuriose skaitmeninio fotoaparato pagalba ieškojau defektų. O ką mes blogesni už JAV inžinierius? Reikia stipresnio, galingesnio detekcijos įtaiso ... jį galime užsisakyti pas JAV, nes kooperacija pasaulyje tai būtinybė, o nauda visuotinė. Vivat inovacijos!!!! 

Midterm Essay

Midterm Essay

Poverty can be defined as human inability to meet their own basic needs due to the economic circumstances that surround their lives. Being poor means being malnourished, having no access to education, basic health care, and living in inadequate, adverse conditions. Poverty consequently can be defined as human condition which diminishes “human dignity and stuns human potential.”[1] This human condition is like a plague in the global community, for “at least two out of every three people on Earth live in poverty.”1

The “antidote” to poverty is development, which promotes three core values that include sustenance, self-esteem, and freedom.

According to Catholic Social Teaching human life is sacred from the moment of conception until natural death, the dignity of human life should be protected by human rights, and a thriving community can be achieved only if corresponding responsibilities are met. Out of these teachings emerges yet another teaching, which calls for an option for the poor. Option for the poor and vulnerable invites the catholic community to put the needs of underprivileged first and instructs that the wellbeing of disadvantaged among our midst is “a basic moral test”[2] of the society. Real life implementation of option for the poor and vulnerable comes about through the acts of charity and notion of development. According to the Roman Catholic Church, charity is oriented to provide an immediate relief to the poor, while development is a critical step to put an end to the vicious cycle of poverty.

The concepts of development and charity emerge from the sources of Christian Ethics. The idea of charity primarily emerges from the scriptures and is set forth by the direct example of Jesus’ life, while the notion of development originates from reason and experience. Saint Thomas Aquinas can particularly be credited for the strong emphasis that the Roman Catholic Church places on development.

St. Thomas Aquinas coined the Natural Law, which explains that everything that exists in nature was created with an intention and with a purpose. According to the Natural Law any creature can achieve its fullest potential if given adequate environment to do so. Consequently, human beings can thrive and achieve the purpose intended for them by God, only if they are provided with adequate conditions not only for the survival but most importantly for “thrival.”

  The ideals of thrival are directly related to the development, which “requires economic growth and the reduction of inequality”1 between the affluent and the poor.  Although current- global- economic system is oriented to narrow the gap between the rich and the poor, the reality falls short from this ideal set forth by the concept of Globalization. While outsourcing of “First World” economies to the developing countries does bring capital, investment, and employment to the poor, it also brings the perils of economic exploitation. Globalization oftentimes limits choices of the poor and devalues local cultures promoting the Americanized way of life. Globalization, in today’s context, “is focused on profit and not on lifting up the poor.”1  Globalization widens the gap between the rich and the poor, exploits underprivileged communities, and singlehandedly takes advantage of the resources in the developing countries only to benefit already thriving economies. In short, globalization lacks a human face.

The Christian church’s more contemporary focus on sustainable development essentially calls for globalization with a human face, which means “finding the rules and institutions that can govern global markets [in a manner that] protects workers, preserves community [and] conserves…resources.”1 Sustainable development, according to the Christian tradition, has an eye not just on meeting the needs of now but meeting the needs of now without sacrificing the needs of the future generations. Sustainable development is consistent with theocentric view which appeals to Christian responsibility to care for God’s creation.

Roman Catholic Church maintains that excessive consumption by the wealthy is what deprives developing countries of resources that otherwise could be used for their own economic growth. Hence adhering to the principles of the sustainable development would not only elevate ecology but would undoubtedly relieve poverty.  

---

[1] Thompson, Milburn J. "Poverty and Development." Justice and Peace a Christian
     Primer. 2nd ed. Maryknoll: Orbis , 2003. 29-61. Print.

[2] Delgado, Teresa, Dr. "Catholic Social Teaching." 16 Sept. 2009. Lecture.

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Šeškinės g. 51 daugiabučio namo kiemo dangos remonto darbų kokybė

Kiemo kelio dangos darbai tai puiki "pinigų plovykla" ir beprasmybė. Dirbo keturių žmonių brigada. Naudota brangi technika, brangios dangos medžiagos, lietas prakaitas, praleistos gyvenimo valandos. Gautas uždarbis - darbininkai patenkinti, nes užsidirbo. O finale? Po nepilnų metų darbas neteko prasmės - nes nesilaikyta kelio darbams skirtos darbų technologijos - neparuoštas pagrindas ir, ir ... po to einame vieni pas kitus pirkti paslaugų, prekių. Tokie pas tokius. Sąžiningai neuždirbti pinigai įsuka į "finansinį suktuką" ir ... turime tai ką turime. Viskas brangsta, keikiame vieni kitus dėl sukčiavimo, brangsta kapitalo kaštai.
P.S. Ta pati kelio danga jau dabar vėl remontuota - vėl dangoje susidarė duobės ir vėl viskas iš naujo. Darbininkai čia nė prie ko, tie kurie skiria darbus, tie kurie tuo naudojasi "turi akis, bet nemato", "turi ausis, bet negirdi".